The European Union adopts a besieged fortress mentality – a mirror image of Tory Brexit

Let’s start with a thought experiment which will provide a basis for this article regarding the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers. There is a political state that is preaching against the inclusion of outsiders, and adopts harsh militaristic measures to ensue their exclusion. Motivated by a paranoid xenophobia, the laws being passed serve to isolate the political state, while domestically disseminating anti-immigrant propaganda.

What state am I talking about?

Is it:

A) Formerly Communist Albania led by its long term isolationist leader Enver Hoxha?

B) Tory Brexit Britain, or

C) the current European Union?

Timofey Bordachev, scholar at the Valdai Club, proposes the comparison between the EU’s Russophobic policies, and the nearly paranoid nationalism of formerly Communist Albania, led by its partisan leader Enver Hoxha (in power 1945 – 85). Derided as a totalitarian dictatorship, cultivating a national sense of suspicion of anything Western, Hoxha constructed a highly secretive state which rejected any perceived capitalist influences.

Enver Hoxha, in one respect, had good reasons to be highly suspicious of the West. He led a life-and-death struggle of the Albanian partisans against the exterminationist policies of fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in World War 2. If the Albanian partisans, and their Yugoslav counterparts had lost, the nations of the Balkans would have been reduced to impoverished colonies, depopulated by their fascist overlords.

Hoxha and the partisans were formed by, and fought in, the crucible of WW2. His vision of a postwar Communist Albania was formed in these years. Loyalty to Stalin was paramount in his ideology – any deviation, such as that of his fellow Yugoslav partisans – was regarded by him with hostility.

Albania in the immediate postwar period refused to join Yugoslavia. The friction with Belgrade resulted in Tirana completely severing relations with their erstwhile Yugoslav comrades. Loyal to Stalin until the end, Hoxha defied the imperialist West, and what he regarded as Yugoslavia’s anti-Stalinist turn to the capitalist nations.

In the aftermath of the 1948 Soviet Yugoslav dispute, Hoxha continued on the Stalinist path, even though that put his regime on a collision course with his more powerful Yugoslav neighbour.

Insistent that Albanians govern themselves, he rejected the intrusion of Western corporations into Albania.

As an example, one can of imported Coca Cola could land an Albanian in prison, the latter an example of the capitalist degeneration Hoxha opposed. There was no McDonald’s, no KFC or Pepsi in Communist Albania. I am not imputing unique powers of observation or sociological judgement to Hoxha, but today we see the impact of decades of ultra processed foods on public health.

Hoxha’s regime was swept up in the general crisis of the Eastern bloc regimes in 1989-91. His extreme isolationism and paranoid suspicion of the West were cited as one of the main reasons for Albania’s rapid socioeconomic transformation and opening up to the club of Western European capitalist states.

Why is this important? Albania’s self-imposed isolation, while of historical interest, also contains lessons for today.

Earlier I mentioned the Valdai Club. What is that? A semi-official Kremlin-linked think tank, its conferences and papers reflect the thinking of Russia’s oligarchy. It is in many ways a counterpart to the US-based Atlantic Council; though the Valdai Club’s participants have never engaged in regime change.

Bordachev, in a recent article, asks if the EU is copying hypersensitive isolationism of communist Albania. While he asks a valid question, his proposed answer of Russophobia leaves a lot to be desired. It is incontrovertible that Russophobic feelings and policies have increased among European Union member states since the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.

However, that answer is the equivalent of taking the wrong off-ramp from the motorway. The EU’s xenophobic paranoia is targeted at nonwhite refugees and asylum seekers. Demonised in the corporate media as a threat, parasites living off the public purse, the EU nations have spent billions militarising the Schengen zone borders. The Mediterranean has been transformed into a maritime barrier that dwarfs the former Berlin Wall by comparison.

It is not only the rich nations of Western Europe that have relentlessly promoted a toxic debate about the supposed threat of migration and refugees. Hungary, led by long term ultrarightist president and Russian ally Viktor Orban, has spent his political career propagating a besieged fortress mentality among his fellow Europeans.

Officially adopting the far right conspiracy theory of the ‘great replacement’, Orban rails against the influx of Middle Eastern and North African refugees. Since he assumed office in 2010, Orban has portrayed Europe in white Christian nationalist terms, bemoaning the trickle of refugees from Muslim majority nations. Locked in a struggle against the forces of Islam, so Orban tells us, Europe must protect its Christian roots, drawing from an Islamophobic clash-of-civilisations view of history.

Ironically, while Orban never hesitates in advocating anti-Islamic themes and imagery, he deftly attracts investment and economic opportunities from Turkey, cynically manoeuvring to normalise the historic Ottoman Turkish presence in Hungary. In that way, he mollifies concerns about his Islamophobic message for his Turkish partners.

Tory Brexit was, in its own way, a reflection of paranoid hypernationalism turned inward against the European project itself. Rather than questioning the economic and political policies of the EU, Brexit redefined the boundaries of its anti-immigrant fortress.

If EU policies demonised the nonwhite outsider, and cultivated a sense of being under siege, then English Euroskeptics did not take long to apply the same logic to the UK’s position in Europe.

The Yugoslav partisans, and their Albanian allies, fought for a multinational and multiconfessional formation. Their vision, while incorporating nationalist opposition to foreign occupation, looked forward to a state where ethnicities enjoyed multiracial equality. There is a refugee crisis in Europe, but it is not caused by the refugee or migrant arrivals. The crisis is the EU’s fortress mentality which perpetuates the mistreatment and incarceration of refugees.

Universities have been converted into gigantic hedge funds – with a bit of education on the side

What would you change about modern society?

There are many answers to the question above. One simple yet important change we can make is the following: stop running universities, and higher education generally, as profit-hungry hedge funds. Universities are there to provide education, but since the 1990s, they are being run as business enterprises answerable to hedge fund shareholders.

Astra Taylor, writing in The Nation magazine in 2016, relates a joke about Harvard University. Have you heard the latest? Harvard is a hedge fund with a university attached. A light hearted observation, but this subject has a dark underbelly. Decades of neoliberalism have hollowed out universities, turning them into profit maximisation institutions, undermining the quality and role of higher education.

It is not just The Nation magazine writing about this issue. Let’s have a look at one of the Long Reads in The Guardian.

Since the introduction of neoliberal logic into the higher education sector, students have been turned into consumers, courses are marketable products, and university deans are transformed into corporate managers.

William Davies, writing about the deterioration of universities in Britain throughout the fourteen years of Tory government (2010 – 2024), states that “Political insistence that higher education must operate like a market has led to many of the worst pathologies of market societies.” As he explained in his article, the dilapidated state of public services, the increasing number of local government bankruptcies, and cuts in funding for arts are part of a society-wide assault on the public provision of services by governments.

Universities have been swept up in this neoliberal logic – everyone is a user, and users should pay. Fair enough, but governments have an obligation to provide taxpayer funded higher education to produce an educated citizenry. Engineering, mathematics, law, medicine – all these pursuits are equally important. So are the social sciences and humanities, because these provide the foundation for tackling the wider socioeconomic and political issues.

Universities are not bastions of politically correct and dogmatic ‘wokeism.’ Right wing commentators and Tory party policymakers deliberately pushed the marketisation of universities as the antidote to these supposedly bloated overarching institutions dependent on the public purse. The culture wars, overlaying the economic attacks on the public sector, have created a constituency that devalues sociology, politics and the humanities generally.

The power of the market grows, not because of a shrinking state sector. The state, through its laws and regulations, cedes power to market forces in areas of society where public participation is highest, such as healthcare and education. The state and market grow simultaneously, with state expenditures on police, surveillance, intelligence gathering and dissent suppression growing exponentially.

By cynically positioning themselves as defenders of higher education against politically charged ‘wokeism’ and loony leftie dogma, the Tory governments, and their right wing counterparts in the United States, have cancelled opposition to public education cuts by splitting the working class voters along educational lines. Why should solid blue-collar types care about universities that teach undergraduates irrelevant ‘Mickey mouse’ courses such as medieval Icelandic poetry?

By importing the MAGA style cultural attacks into British politics, the Tories proceeded to implement an economic programme of commercialising universities begun by Tony Blair’s New Labour. It was New Labour that introduced tuition fees, importing international students (and then allowing anti-immigration cultural anxieties about ‘too many foreigners’ in Britain to flourish), and increasing the numbers of casual/temporary adjunct staff to teach at universities.

Adjunct faculty make up an increasingly precarious section of academia. Long hours, temporary contracts, growing workloads, while vice-chancellors pocket huge pay checks; it is no wonder that militancy is growing among the adjunct staff.

Mae Losasso, writing in Jacobin magazine, observes that opposition to turning universities into knowledge factories is nothing new. Decades ago, American sociologist and economist Thorstein Veblen (1857 – 1929) denounced the push to convert universities into factories of merchantable knowledge. The intrusion of corporate interests into higher education, Veblen warned, would result in the overturning of intellectual ideals.

Britain’s universities have declined precipitously in the years of neoliberal globalisation. However, the elite universities are doing just fine. Oxford, Cambridge – these institutions are still ranked among the top ten universities in Europe.

However, the vast majority of Britain’s universities and colleges are struggling for funds, and have had to cut back courses. Sheffield University, renowned throughout the world for its archaeology course, has proposed abolishing the archaeology department altogether.

It is not just me highlighting the role of universities as gigantic profit-hungry hedge funds. Law professor Victor Fleischer, back in 2015, lambasted Harvard, Stanford, Princeton and Texas universities for hoarding money. While tuition fees for students increase, and saddled with huge debts once they graduate, these institutions have hundreds of millions of dollars in private endowments and shareholding portfolios.

Fleischer asks the pertinent question; what purpose do these endorsements serve? Do they help to sustain an educational institution through financial crises, and help in the provision of education? Or are they there to increase profits for ultrawealthy hedge fund owners?

It is more than high time to stop running universities as bloated hedge funds, and get them back into public education.

Travelling, adventure tourism, and the unavoidable links with politics

What are your future travel plans?

Being in a position to make travel plans is a great privilege. You could name almost any city in the world, and I would like to travel there. Paris, Kampala, Lusaka, Buenos Ares, Kathmandu – every city has its attractions. Being connected to almost every part of the globe is fantastic. You can tour the Okavango Delta in one issue of the National Geographic, and then view the splendours of Petra in Jordan at the Smithsonian magazine.

However, let us examine what travel has become in our current socioeconomic conditions. Tourism has become a profit maximisation project, with tourists performing as bit players in an industry that exploits natural resources. While tourism is not new, and people have travelled to experience awe and wonder in places with cultures foreign to their own, mass tourism has devolved into a corporatist exercise.

Let’s explore what that means for international travel.

Crowds on Mount Everest

In 2019, and subsequently to that, climbers of Mount Everest have shared on social media a rather telling photograph. There is a long queue of people, waiting in line in their heavy jackets, to reach the actual summit of the mountain. Wait a minute – there are crowds when summiting Everest? Yes. The scene resembles, in the words of one commentator, a queue at the Motor Vehicle department.

Everest, throughout the ages, represented an awesome yet unattainable goal. Summiting that mountain was the stuff of legend – only the most resourceful and resilient could even hope to climb that lofty peak. From the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, attaining the claim of summiting Everest was the subject of geopolitical competition.

Not anymore. Now, increasing numbers of socially mobile internet savvy corporate types can indulge their childhood fantasies of summiting that venerable mountain.

To be sure, climbing Everest takes courage and determination. These qualities do not in any way distract us from the adverse environmental impact of mass tourism on the mountain. in an increasingly interconnected world, the American and British investment banker, the advertising executive, the banking consultant – all can now realise their dream of summiting Everest by taking advantage of the tourism industry that nurtures such dreamy, once-in-a-lifetime adventures (hallucinations?)

In a previous article, I wrote about the impact of global economic connections and the expansion of adventure tourism on Everest. The mountainous terrain is no longer the exclusive preserve of the Nepalese Sherpas. In fact, Everest now features the dead bodies of previously highly motivated climbers, tonnes of garbage, empty beer cans, cartons and faeces, and assorted detritus left over by the tourist interlopers.

If you want to climb Everest, nobody can stop you. Just remember the kind of industry that profits from a desire to achieve that objective. No, I am not making a condemnatory judgement on everyone who intends to summit the mountain. We need to balance our individual interests, and whether those dreams of adventure are being manipulated by a destructive and profit-hungry business model.

Billionaire space travel, and Muhammad Faris followed his conscience

Travelling into outer space is the ultimate destination. Numerous TV programmes, documentaries and specials (not to mention sci-fi series) deal with the topic of space travel and exploration. Yuri Gagarin became world famous as the first man in space. Valentina Tereshkova, also from the Soviet Union, was the first woman cosmonaut. Today, we are living in the age of the billionaire space race.

The rivalry between the space barons, as CNN put it, is all very interesting. However, this obsessive focus on which billionaire is going to ‘win’ – Bezos or Branson – misses a crucial dimension of space travel.

The exploration of space began as a quest to understand and answer basic scientific questions about other planets, cosmic objects and the stars. Rocketry was envisioned by pioneering Russian astronomer and scientist Konstatin Tsiolkovsky (1857 – 1935) not as an adventure to satisfy the egomaniacal dreams of the wealthy.

Tsiolkovsky, an expert in aeronautical sciences, advocated space travel to discover the mysteries of cosmic phenomena. The billionaires today have harnessed space travel as an adjunct to their fantasies of ‘conquering’ space.

Muhammad Faris, who passed away earlier this year, was Syria’s only astronaut. Born in Aleppo in 1951, he passed the demanding and stringent tests to successfully pass the Soviet space training programme. Becoming a pilot and cosmonaut, he travelled into space to the Soviet space station, Mir, in 1987. He became a national hero in his native Syria, earning honours and plaudits from the Ba’athist regime.

Yet his story does not end there. Yes, he returned to his homeland, and gave lectures on space travel, rocketry and astronomy. Hailed as a hero, he did not allow adulation to inflate his ego. In 2011-12, with the anti-Ba’athist Syrian uprising, Faris defected to the opposition. He had been a general in the Syrian Air Force, and refused to run bombing missions against his fellow Syrians in rebel strongholds.

Targeted by the Syrian regime, he fled with his family to Turkey, where he lived out the rest of his days. Whether his decision to side with Turkish-backed Syrian opposition groups was right or wrong, I do not know.

What I can say is that he placed his ego in neutral, and spoke out against a regime which was committed crimes against its citizens. His remarkable achievements in space did not negate his sensitivities regarding the plight of his fellow countrymen-women.

Let’s make travel plans for sure. Economic globalisation has made the world more interconnected, but we have to wonder whether this connection has come at the expense of cross-cultural understanding. Indeed, what corporation globalisation has achieved is a kind of consumerist monoculturalism. A McDonald’s and Starbucks on every corner is not necessarily an indication of an interconnected world, but one where we as consumers worship at the altar of profits.

Do not blame indigenous Easter Islanders for ‘ecocide’

What bothers you and why?

Let’s answer the question above with an exploration of a controversy – stop falsely blaming the indigenous Easter Island people, the Rapanui, for their own demise. This requires a bit of background information.

Jared Diamond, professor of geography at the University of California, Los Angeles, wrote a book in 2005 called Collapse: How societies choose to fail or succeed. In it, Diamond depicts a people, the Rapa Nui, over exploiting their natural resources, cutting down the trees, denuding the lush landscape, thus undermining their ability to sustain a large population.

Dwindling food and resources resulted in internecine warfare, communal violence, and even cannibalism, from about 1600 onwards.

European settlers arrived in 1722, to be confronted by an indigenous population on a downward spiral of destruction. Diamond coined the word ‘ecocide’, to denote a cautionary tale of a society outstripping its resource base. That is a general overview of Diamond’s case, and I hope that I have done justice to it.

However, this tale of environmental degradation and socioeconomic collapse, while a necessary warning, blames the wrong people. Archaeologists and geographers, working on this question, have instead found an indigenous Polynesian civilisation that was resourceful, cooperative, growing food to feed themselves, and building the mysterious moai – the giant statues that dot the landscape. All this was achieved prior to European colonisation which began in 1722.

This picture is hardly one of a society resembling a Polynesian fight club, with axes, fists, knives, and weapons deployed in an all-gladiatorial contest. This depiction of inherently violent indigenous people has never sat well with me. No, I am not challenging Diamond’s qualifications or expertise. But this myth of the ‘savage Savage’ has always bothered me, in ways I could not elaborate previously.

Diamond, a professor of geography at the University of California, Los Angeles, is correct to warn of the socioeconomic consequences of ecological destruction. What kind of economy can we sustain on a dead planet? However, he has chosen the wrong society upon which to base his ecocide scenario.

Archaeologists and geographers have consistently challenged the simplistic and sometimes quite false view blaming the indigenous Rapanui for their own destruction.

This is not a personal attack on Professor Diamond; he is an outstanding public intellectual and writer. He has published books which have expanded my knowledge. However, what bothers me is the use of the ‘ecocide’ scenario – a term that Diamond coined – to portray indigenous societies as inherently violent and destructive. This depiction is often used to rationalise our own capitalist society’s environmental overexploitation and destructiveness. If all humans are selfish and violent, what’s the point?

The point is that the current billionaire class, to justify their raking in billions, have been allowed to define human nature for the rest of us. No, there is no conspiracy between Professor Diamond and Bill Gates to connivingly misrepresent the Rapa Nui as violent and destructive. There is a growing and strong body of evidence against the simplistic ‘ecocide’ paradigm which has dominated the public discourse.

When the Europeans arrived on the remote island of Rapa Nui (Easter Island), they were mesmerised by the giant moai (statues), and deduced that only a huge population could build them. Since 1600, the indigenous population must have been decimated – how could a small population be capable of constructing such structures over a long period? This assumption made its way unexamined into European writings on archaeology.

Diamond is not the first writer to worry about the alleged covetousness of the Rapa Nui; but he is the first to gain such widespread public acclaim for that work. Numerous archaeologists and field researchers, such as Terry Hunt and Carl Lipo, have pushed back against the ‘ecocide’ scenario. For instance, Lipo performed a complex mathematical analysis of rock samples from Rapa Nui, rock gardens cultivated by the indigenous Rapanui people.

Growing a staple of their diet, the sweet potato, the indigenous people are estimated to have numbered no more than 16 000 prior to 1722. The assumption that Rapa Nui was overpopulated prior to 1722, and therefore subject to internal warfare, is a conventional wisdom derived from faulty bases.

The indigenous islanders were cooperative and resilient, nothing like the all-encompassing state of warfare as depicted by the European colonisers. How were the moai built? You may find a detailed answer here.

Earlier in this article, I used the expression the ‘savage Savage’ to describe Diamond’s portrayal of the Rapanui people. That expression was first used by science writer John Horgan, in the pages of Scientific American.

Dispelling the myth of the ‘Noble Savage’ is one thing; what Diamond, Professors Steven Pinker and Richard Wrangham have done, is recycle an old colonialist trope that the indigenous are savages. They form a cohort of academic hawks; rather than advocate harsh socioeconomic policies at home, they attempt to rationalise their implementation by retroactively projecting their punitive motivations to past societies.

The work of Lipo, Hunt and other researchers upends the ‘ecocide’ narrative, based on solid factual foundations. Critics of the ‘ecocide’ scenario are often accused of being motivated by ideology rather than scientifically rigorous evidence. I hope that this article prompts readers to examine the Easter Island ‘collapse’ skeptics with an open mind.

The anti-refugee actions of the Turkish Grey Wolves highlight the problem of right wing diaspora communities

Right wing diaspora communities form a fertile climate in which ultranationalist groups can grow. These organisations then combat the political Left in their host nations. Multiculturalism is a wonderful policy, but the right wing leadership of diasporic communities misdirect their anger at vulnerable minorities.

Let’s examine this multifaceted topic by starting with a recent news story.

Germany and Turkey have a fractious relationship at the best of times, and the connection soured even further this month. The German authorities denounced a Turkish football player, and his team’s supporters, for making the wolf gesture during a soccer match.

The wolf salute is a signature of the ultranationalist neofascist Turkish outfit, the Grey Wolves. Calling themselves the Idealist Hearths, they are a paramilitary formation, strongly anticommunist and advocating an ethnically pure expansionist Turkish nation.

These Turkish ethnonationalists, while originating in the turbulent political climate of Turkey decades ago, have found supporters among the expatriate and refugee Turkish communities in Germany and France. Espousing a racist ideology of Pan-Turkism, they wish to expand Turkey’s borders to include the putatively Turkish-origin populations of Central Asia.

Indeed, the mythical expanded ethnonationalist Turkish empire sought after by the Grey Wolves, includes the Xinjiang province of China, to which they refer as East Turkestan. What a coincidence, the Turkish ultranationalist formation is incredibly concerned about the human rights of the Uyghur Muslim community in Xinjiang, China. That is a cynically emotional tactic to disguise their own advocacy of American-backed violent regime change in China.

Building on the political rapprochement between Turkey and Nazi Germany in the 1930s, the Grey Wolves are the street-fighting arm of the ultranationalist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP is the acronym in Turkish). Targeting Kurds, Armenians, and antifascist Turks, the Grey Wolves have implanted themselves in the refugee Turkish communities in Europe.

Marching against refugees

Grey Wolves use violence against their political opponents, not only in Turkey, but in Europe as well. Such extremist violence only plays into the hands of far right Islamophobic politicians, such Le Pen in France, and Geert Wilders in the Netherlands.

The Turkish ultranationalists have also marched against any refugee intake from Syria and other Middle Eastern nations. Wait a minute – Turks in Germany, who were themselves once refugees, are now opposed to granting entry to prospective asylum seekers?

Is not that hypocritical and selfish? Yes, it is. It also reflects the end-logic of ultranationalist political philosophy. Far right extremism not only hates foreigners, but supports foreign-born racists and right wing extremists.

Chinese Americans – a right wing diaspora

Conservative Chinese Americans are among the most vociferous supporters of MAGA Republicans and Donald Trump. But just wait a minute….does not Trump express Sinophobic sentiments? Yes, he does. He also circulates the bizarre ‘lab leak’ conspiracy theory beloved by MAGA conservatives. Targeting China as a supremely evil nation, in the immediate aftermath of the pandemic, Trump and his partisans have their supporters among the Chinese-American community.

Chinese-American far right supporters cheered on Donald Trump, and were excited by the January 6 attempted coup d’état by the MAGA ultranationalist American camp.

Conservative Chinese Americans have donated to the Proud Boys, an ultranationalist neofascist street gang which, among other things, engages in violent attacks against migrants and refugee ethnic minorities. Fund raising appeals for the Proud Boys were accomplished by sympathetic Chinese proverbs; “For those who pave the road to freedom, do not leave them struggling with thistles and thorns”. The ideological crossover between conservative Chinese Americans and American ultranationalist groups is not difficult to fathom.

Migrant communities, due to language and cultural barriers, avoid the mainstream English language media, and resort to news in confined areas. It is easy, in this day and age of social media, to create an ecosystem of conspiratorial hate. The Chinese American community is no exception. The pandemic has brought forth not just the Covid virus, but the viral superspreader of misinformation.

Social conservatism among migrant communities is nothing new. Try speaking about or teaching evolutionary biology to groups of Sydney Armenians, and you will feel the full force of social outrage. What is different this time around is the weaponisation of such conservatism for political gain.

To be sure, importing conservative migrants has long antecedents. It is no secret that Australia, Canada, and other Anglophone nations welcomed Eastern European Nazi collaborators not only for their political qualifications and intelligence assets, but also as a bulwark against labour unions and the Left.

Far right groups are certainly not the friends of the labour movement. If anything, they have a durable track record of dismantling labour militancy and union organising. Yes, we need multiculturalism; every ethnic group makes its unique contribution to the wider polity. But we must not turn a blind eye to the dark underbelly of multiculturalism, where right wing hypernationalism can flourish.

There is a renewed Cold War, with China and Russia once again demonised as the enemy, despite all the economic and political changes undergone by those two nations since 1991. Right wing diaspora communities are yet again being corralled into becoming foot-soldiers for the American empire – in both the foreign and domestic realms.

It is crucial for migrant communities to speak out against war and mass killings done in the name of regime change. Imperialist wars overseas require domestically-produced cannon fodder. Cultural conditioning plays an essential role in building public support for war. We would do well to change our mindset, and resist backing those parties calling for further ethnic conflict.

Alberto Fujimori, holding politicians to account, and why Kenneth Kaunda is still dancing

Peru does not usually make the news in Australia. Our heavily monopolised corporate media have a very narrow Anglophone perspective; it’s only worthwhile news if it happens in the Anglo-American cultural sphere. However, there are exceptions – and it is interesting to note that there are lessons for us from non-Anglocentric nations.

Keiko Fujimori, daughter of longtime Peruvian constitutional dictator Alberto Fujimori, has been indicted for corruption and leading a criminal organisation. A former presidential candidate, pivoting off the fame of her father, it is good to see a high profile politician held to account for their criminal behaviour. Her party, Popular Force, is accused of being a criminal organisation. Good to see that in the Americas – South, not North – accountability still applies, even to public figures.

Why is this important? Her father, Alberto, built his reputation as a strongman political operator after capturing the longtime head of the rebellious Communist Party of Peru, widely known as Shining Path. The Maoist rebels had waged a stubborn guerrilla struggle over the decades, and their determination seemed unstoppable.

Alberto Fujimori, coming to power as a neoliberal candidate in 1991, quickly set about making the defeat of terrorism (as he portrayed Shining Path) in an early 1990s Peruvian version of the ‘war on terror’.

Suspending the constitution, and relying on the secret police, Fujimori the elder waged a relentless campaign to capture the leader of Shining Path, Abimael Guzman. The latter was commonly known as Comrade Gonzalo.

Alberto Fujimori was hailed as the hope of the future for Peru by none other than former US President George Bush (the elder). Heroised as a great statesman, Fujimori rammed through neoliberal policies and entrenched the power of the financial oligarchy. The capture of Guzman in 1992 seemed to confirm Fujimori’s success, and his far right administration received favourable coverage in Australia at the time.

It is interesting to note that Fujimori’s constitutional violations and suspension of civil liberties were not discussed in the adulatory coverage of his regime in Australia. At about the same time, 1991, the corporate media could barely hide their malicious glee with the defeat of Zambia’s longtime president, Kenneth Kaunda.

The latter had led the anti colonial liberation struggle to expel the British from northern Rhodesia, as Zambia was then known. From the 1960s onwards, Kaunda lent his support to other African liberation struggles, such as that of the African National Congress (ANC) against the racist apartheid regime in South Africa.

Kaunda was a charismatic, eloquent politician, frequently smiling, sports-mad (he loved football), rode his bicycle everywhere, and danced at the drop of a hat. His passing in 2021 marked the end of an era, the last of the great anti colonial freedom fighters. His rule, that of a one-party state, came to an end in 1991 with the first multiparty elections in Zambia.

The corporate media were virtually beside themselves with happiness; Kaunda, who had triumphed over British imperialism was humbled by his own people. Kaunda took the defeat gracefully; peacefully handing over power, and settled into the role of an active elder statesman. He still smiled, and laughed, and danced.

Zambia, throughout Kaunda’s reign as president (1964 – 1991), nationalised most sectors of the economy, pushing out foreign (mainly British) capital. While maintaining friendly relations with the USSR and the Eastern bloc, Zambia charted its own noncommunist course of African socialism. Agreeing to multiparty elections, Kaunda’s time had seemed over in 1991. While he was electorally defeated, he maintained his popularity with the people throughout his post-presidency life.

Let’s remember that Kaunda, in 1964, inherited a nation who main resources (copper mining) were dominated by English capital. Ian Smith, racist leader of southern Rhodesia, and apartheid South Africa, imposed economic sanctions on Zambia. Most of Zambia’s revenue was derived from mining.

Exports from Zambia had to pass through Rhodesia and South Africa to reach their destination. Economic sanctions are considered acceptable behaviour by pro-western nations when the targets are newly independent countries charting their own course. Embarking on state-led industrial independence, Kaunda was never forgiven by the Anglo-American imperial axis for his resource nationalism.

Fujimori, after losing the presidency in 2000, was sentenced to 25 years in prison for murder, kidnapping, corruption and crimes against humanity. After serving 15 years, he was controversially pardoned and granted early release. Peru has had a succession of corrupt oligarchic presidents since 2000. From July 2016 to December 2022, Peru had seven presidents in six years. Fujimori’s legacy is one of institutional corruption.

Kenneth Kaunda never lost his stature as one of the great presidents of Zambia, and a pan-African leader. He died in 2021, at the ripe old age of 97. Since 2021, 4000 people have achieved literacy as a result of educational programmes implemented by the Socialist Party of Zambia in conjunction with Cuban educators. I think Kaunda would be proud.

I like to think that his indomitable spirit is still among us, smiling, riding his bicycle, playing football – and dancing.

Top Gun, the Tuskegee airforce pilots, and Walter McAfee

We have all seen the Top Gun movies. The words Maverick, Iceman, Goose have all entered the popular lexicon. Tom Cruise’s fame still pivots on the success of the Top Gun franchise. T-shirts emblazoned with the quote ‘talk to me Goose’ still sell today.

Val Kilmer still gets requests (despite his throat cancer) to repeat his character’s famous catchphrase ‘you can be my wingman anytime.’ But how many of us know that the first Top Guns, Air Force pilots awarded the honour of outstanding air combat skills, were actually African American?

The story in Top Gun is fictional, but the Tuskegee airmen were definitely real. The first African American fighter pilots, trained decades before the heavily fictionalised version of Navy air pilots portrayed in Top Gun, the members of the 332nd Fighter Group pilots won the first ever Fighter Gunnery Meet in 1949. They were the first Top Guns, and their accomplishment was ignored for the next 55 years.

The gunnery meet was held in May 1949 at the Las Vegas Air Force base, and saw squadrons from around the nation gather for the fighter competition. Retired Lt. Col. James Harvey III, one of the first African American pilots, commented years later that everyone, especially the all white officers, were stunned. The Tuskegee airmen, African Americans, won the competition.

Along with Harvey, Captain Alva Temple, 1st Lt. Harry Stewart and alternate 1st Lt. Halbert Alexander, collectively won the first propeller-driven aircraft fighter gunnery meet. Harvey recalled that there was dead silence at the time of their win. Not only was there no applause, but long-festering resentment at the success of the black American pilot team. The top gun trophy mysteriously disappeared, lost in the sands of time for decades.

This was the time of legalised segregation, and the Tuskegee pilots were put in their place. Lt. Col. Harvey, when training at the military base in Tuskegee, Alabama, was told by a local sheriff ‘if I see you again, I’ll blow your brains out.’ Approximately 1000 African American air men served in the US Air Force between 1941 and 1946. The immediate needs of the war outweighed the requirements of military segregation.

Harvey fought missions in the Korean War. Shunned after returning from service, he and his fellow Tuskegee airmen were acknowledged with a plaque commemorating them at the Las Vegas Air Force base in 2022, 73 years after their Top Gun victory.

To be sure, this is not an advertisement for air force recruitment. The role of the US Air Force is to expand the military and economic power of the financial oligarchy that runs the United States. Movies such as the Top Gun franchise serve not only as recruiting tools, but also to obfuscate the suffering, blood and guts spilled, and lethal casualties of aerial warfare.

Savagery from the skies can become normalised if we keep telling ourselves that the personnel who drop the bombs are heroes to be admired. Indeed, in this age of drone strikes – a policy escalated and routinised under the first African American president Obama – the casualties of aerial warfare can seem even further distant and out of sight to Anglophone audiences.

Another African American first – an accomplishment for which the originator has been marginalised – was the use of radar to calculate the speed of the Moon. The astrophysicist responsible was Walter McAfee (1914 – 1995). An African American whose knowledge of mathematics was impressive, he joined Project Diana in the 1940s.

McAfee joined the United States Army Signal Corps Engineering Laboratories in 1942. The US military wanted a more effective way to spy on its enemies; would radio signals break through the ionosphere? Bouncing radar echoing signals off the Moon – which had been tried before and failed – was a practice requirement of the Diana Project.

Enter Walter McAfee – and he calculated how to bounce radar signals off the Moon. In January 1946, he and his colleagues successfully detected the returning radar echo signals from the Moon. This achievement not only provided the military with an edge in radar technology, it also opened the way for radar astronomy, a civilian and scientific offshoot from the original military purpose of McAfee’s work. If it were not for him, travel to the Moon would have remained a practical impossibility.

McAfee was subsequently shunned, and his achievement were forgotten outside of the American military-scientific community. It is important to note that the African American was marginalised; at the same time, NASA, and other American scientific institutions, deliberately and secretly recruited ex-Nazi scientists, providing sanctuary for scientists whose work led to the deaths of millions in Europe.

Decades after McAfee’s accomplishments, he was finally honoured as a pioneering astrophysicist.

Hollywood has a cottage industry of making films about how American military veterans are treated poorly. The old cliche of the allegedly mistreated Vietnam veteran has done the rounds through numerous Hollywood movies. That myth has gained wide currency, drumming up public sympathy for the soldiers participating in imperialist wars overseas.

Let us see if Hollywood will make movies about the mistreatment and shunning of African American veterans, and personnel who served in various capacities. After serving their nation (in both world wars), African American veterans returned to a country that rejected and marginalised them.

These are historical matters, to be sure, and we have come a long way since then. The way we teach history impacts the way we see ourselves, and influences our contemporary choices. A general public that views the American military as heroes will resist attempts to hold US soldiers to account for their crimes. Let’s honour the African Americans who served, but let us also avoid masking imperialism with the fig leaf of inclusivity.