Among the many questions that my partner asks me – most of which are annoying, but don’t tell her that – was a particular query which stood out. (Ok, I am sure I have numerous habits that annoy her, so the ledger balances out). She asked ‘why does Israel want southern Lebanon?
That is a perfectly valid question, so let’s explore that topic.
Israeli politicians have wanted to control and occupy southern Lebanon for decades. Why? The Litani River – a major water resource of southern Lebanon, can form a natural northern border for the Zionist state. Tel Aviv wants water. Not that Palestinian land is infertile, but much of historical Palestine is semi-arid. The Litani river would provide millions of gallons of water.
The Litani, called Leontes in ancient times, originates in the fertile Beqaa Valley, and flows into the Mediterranean. It is the only river that flows entirely within Lebanon’s borders.
Let’s have a look at a map of south Lebanon, showing the trajectory of the Litani River:

For more information, here is a link to a Google map, displaying the Litani River’s trajectory with modern day borders and city locations.
Israeli leaders have wanted to control south Lebanon, up to and including the Litani River, encompassing the towns and villages located in this map:

This goal of occupying south Lebanon is not a new development. Nor is it motivated by purely defensive military needs. Tel Aviv routinely portrays its repeated incursions into Lebanon – which it has done ten times since 1948 – as dictated by military necessity. Surely it is invading Lebanon only because Hezbollah, or Palestinian fighters, or some other Arab/Islamic bogeyman, is threatening northern Israel?
Well, that rationale stands exposed as a blatant hypocrisy when taking into account the fact that Zionist leaders have desired to occupy South Lebanon, and the Litani River, since 1918.
David Ben Gurion, one of the founding fathers of the Zionist state, translated a vague yearning for Palestine into practical action and definitive objectives. In 1918, as Palestine was allocated to the British, Ben Gurion made clear that a proposed Jewish state in Palestine would definitely include South Lebanon within its borders. The Litani River figured large in the imagination of the early Zionist movement.
In 1919, Chaim Weizmann, chairperson of the World Zionist Organisation, spoke of the crucial importance of the Litani River to a proposed Jewish state in Palestine. Speaking with then British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, Weizmann stated that while Lebanon had no need for the Litani River, its importance for the fledgling Jewish state was immense.
During the Versailles peace conference, held to resolve the disputes of World War One, the Zionist Organisation published maps of the proposed ‘Jewish National Home’ including south Lebanon and the Litani river within its suggested borders.
In the 1950s, taking advantage of religious divisions in the Lebanese state, Chief of the General Staff of the Israeli Armed Forces Moshe Dayan, proposed that a separate Lebanese Maronite Christian state be established in the region, with whom Tel Aviv could sign a peace treaty. The terms of such a treaty, imposed by force of Israeli arms, would include the ceding of the Litani River by the Maronite state to Israeli control.
The intent to occupy south Lebanon is not a recent development in Israeli politics, nor is it motivated by purely defensive considerations. As Moshe Gilad writes in Haaretz, republished here, the obsessive preoccupation with the Litani predates the founding of Hezbollah, and the 1979 Iranian revolution, by decades.
Gilad explains in his article that Heraclitus, the Ancient Greek philosopher, observed that you cannot step into the same river twice. Reality is in constant flux, and the Litani River, like all others, constantly flows. However, the fixation of Zionist leaders on the Litani has never changed.
Perhaps there is some biblical reason behind the drive to occupy south Lebanon? After all, Zionism’s partisans never tire of using biblical references to provide a justification for their expansionist designs. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu routinely refers to Palestinian territory of the West Bank as Judea and Samaria, summoning biblical names for the modern day.
Actually, the Litani River is not mentioned in the bible.
Be that as it may, Zionist politicians and their supporters routinely depict the establishment of the state of Israel as an outcome of biblical prophecy, a regathering of the world’s Jewish population to their ancestral, biblically ordained homeland. That sounds nice, until we consider a now-forgotten chapter in the history of the Zionist movement – the shopping around for a proposed Jewish national home in lands with absolutely no biblical connection whatsoever.
Theodor Herzl, and subsequent Zionist leaders, repeatedly considered proposals for a new Jewish state in African lands, particularly those from British colonial possessions. Britain controlled extensive African territory at the turn of the nineteenth-twentieth centuries, and actively considered provided land in British East Africa (today in Kenya) as a place for relocating European Jewish people.
Europe was an antisemitic place, a place of pogroms, massacres of and discrimination against Jews. Dumping the surplus Jewish population in a remote location appealed to British colonial authorities. The Uganda Plan, as it was known (inaccurately too) was also considered by the early Zionist organisation.
The plan was debated and ultimately rejected by Herzl and associated Zionist leaders, mainly because of opposition to the scheme not only from within the Zionist movement, but also from white British settlers in East Africa.
Madagascar was also another proposed location for a Jewish national home, before Palestine. The Belgian Congo, Italian-occupied Libya – all were examined as serious proposals for dumping Europe’s Jewish population. Each was rejected, but this reflects the ‘shopping around’ mentality of the World Zionist organisation in its formative years. Biblical prophecies of an ingathering in the promised land did not figure into their calculations until much later.
We would do well to examine the ostensible rationales for war offered up by aggressor parties, and uncover the strategic calculations underlying them. The Australian Foreign Minister, known for wagging her finger vigorously at naughty representatives of the Israeli government, would be well advised to upgrade her symbolic disapproval of Tel Aviv’s warfare, and take concrete steps to cut Canberra’s ongoing connection with the Israeli military machine.