April 1 this year marked the eighty-fifth anniversary of General Francisco Franco’s declaration of victory in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39). There is an abundance of educational materials covering the basics of the political-military conflict, the causes of the war, and its role in presaging the major eruption of conflict in World War 2.

I will focus on an underreported aspect of the civil war – the policy of nonintervention adopted by Britain, during the conflict between the Spanish Republican government and the nationalist military rebels. Why is this important?

Britain, we are taught in the Anglo majority nations, is an exemplar of a democratic system. The result of centuries of careful, gradual reforms, the British version of democratic governance – the Westminster system, a model for others to follow. Its institutions, undergirded by the highest and purest principles of democratic accountability, such as the venerated Magna Carta, and the primacy of parliament – promotes its values as a robust alternative to the nightmare of authoritarianism.

In 1936, Spanish democracy was under threat. The Republican government faced an attempted coup d’état by rebellious ultranationalist officers, betraying the constitution they swore to uphold. The country split into warring regions between those loyal to the democratically elected government, and those rallying to the fascist military rebels.

The British government had a unique opportunity to rally to the defence of the beleaguered Republican authorities. The Spanish ultranationalist officers were fully supported by the fascist powers of Nazi Germany and Mussolini’s Italy. Military supplies flowed uninterruptedly into the arms of the Spanish military rebels. Hitler and Mussolini witnessed an opportunity to topple a democratic government in Europe and gain a supportive fascist ally.

While the latest military technology and elite German troops flowed to the Francoist rebels, the British government adopted the farcical and cynical posture of nonintervention. Under the veneer of respectable neutrality, the Tory government denied effective military and political support to the Republican side.

Class perspectives certainly played a role in the English government’s decision to avoid sending help to the besieged Republicans. British officials staying in Republican controlled areas spoke of a French Revolution style ‘reign of terror’, as the largely centre-left authorities sought to redistribute land to the poor peasantry and confront the power of the landed Catholic Church. The latter was a particularly reactionary bulwark of the ruling class, with priests acting as spies in parishes, informing on labour organisers and political activists.

The Catholic Church gave its blessing to Franco’s ultranationalist rebellion, and approved of its actions. This included the 1937 blockade of Bilbao, a Republican stronghold in the north. The population faced mass starvation, a deliberate policy inflicted by Franco’s nationalist military.

While British seafarers bravely broke the fascist blockade, risking life and limb to convey badly needed supplies to the residents of Bilbao, the British government stated that the Royal Navy could not guarantee the safety of merchant shipping in Bilbao.

British merchant ships were indeed attacked and sunk by Franco’s forces. Merchant personnel and British sailors were killed – and still the Tory government did nothing to change its cynical policy of nonintervention – an arms embargo against the Spanish Republican forces. Questions were asked in the House of Commons, but there was to be no change to London’s policy.

It is not within the scope of this article to go into to the labyrinthine political differences in the Republican side, particularly between the Moscow-loyalist Communist Party, and the Trotskyist aligned Workers Party of Marxist Unification (POUM in Spanish). The latter was made famous by George Orwell’s book Homage to Catalonia, based on his experiences as a fighter for the Spanish Republicans.

Orwell was a talented writer, but his political perspective was deeply problematic. In a letter written after the civil war ended, he admitted that he regarded the POUM with too much sympathy. Be that as it may, the Republican cause was hobbled from the start by the British arms embargo. No matter the ideological leanings of the various parties on the Republican side, being hogtied by your putative allies is a serious obstacle when facing a militarily disciplined enemy,

In 1939, the war was over, Franco declared victory, and unleashed a statewide campaign of terror against his Republican opponents. Thousands were killed, imprisoned in concentration camps – thousands more were driven into exile. Franco presided over one of the most corrupt, nepotistic regimes in the world, with the military officer caste lining its pockets.

London’s policy of nonintervention was a major factor in ensuring the victory of the ultranationalist side in Spain. None of this is intended to dismiss the contribution of the courageous international brigades – including British – for the Republican side.

They gave their lives in defence of the democracy that London abandoned. We must always remember and honour the heroism of the international brigades in the fight not only against fascism, but also against the indifference of our own governments.