The topic of genocide is not something I would have chosen for myself as an object of deep investigation. My late Armenian grandfather was a survivor of the 1915 genocide, and he would sometimes talk about his experiences. I never pushed the subject, always allowing him to volunteer information about that traumatic event, if he so wished.
Talking about that genocide, and comparing and contrasting it to similarly unspeakable crimes in the twentieth century, is a topic familiar to diasporan Armenians. This month, I found out that I have a high level official who is exercising his tremendous intellectual capacities on a similar subject – US President Donald Trump.
He is unable to sleep at nights apparently, riddled with anxiety about an ongoing genocide – that of the Afrikaners, the white South African farmers whose land is being seized by a relentlessly furious campaign by the black-majority government in Pretoria. Huge numbers of these farmers are being systematically exterminated, so we are told.
There is just one problem with the white genocide of Afrikaners – it is not happening. But its imaginary status does not deter our fearless Trump, and his colleagues in paranoid delusions Elon Musk and JD Vance, from taking actions based on such an illusion. After all, collective illusions are powerful things – when enough people believe them, they can have violent consequences.
The white genocide conspiracy theory involves more than just manufactured anxieties about the Afrikaners. It is an overarching worldview of racial resentment, alleging that ethnic minorities are ‘invaders’, brought to Anglophone and European nations by ‘traitorous’ elites (and that usually signifies the Jews) as demographic battering rams. Overpopulating their new domestic homeland, they eventually turn the white population into a beleaguered minority.
The origins of that racial paranoia resides with the so-called Great Replacement theory, as elaborated by French writer Renaud Camus. He codified a disparate yet interrelated series of racially resentful ideologies, which opposed the efforts of nonwhite peoples at decolonisation.
Let’s not stay in Europe – at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Australian politicians such as Edmund Barton (our first prime minister) stated that the new Australian federation was a necessary political unification project. Why? To avoid being swamped by nonwhite, particularly Asian, immigration.
Charles Pearson, Anglo-Australian academic and writer, expressed his anxiety (in 1892) that the white population would one day wake up and find themselves outnumbered and outgunned by nonwhite immigrants. Perhaps current UK prime minister Keir Starmer was channeling Pearson (and Enoch Powell) when he spoke of Britain becoming an island full of strangers.
Let’s get back to South Africa. The Afrikaners, descendants of the Dutch settlers who settled there from the 1600s onwards, benefited from the system of apartheid (apartness). Monopolising control of the land, they helped (along with the English settlers) to establish a rigidly stratified society based on race.
The end of apartheid in 1994 did not bring about ecological justice – while white South Africans make up only 7.8 percent of the population, they still own 72 percent of the arable land. Hardly evidence of a systematic campaign of racially motivated elimination.
Is crime a problem in South Africa? Yes, sadly it is. Are white farmers being singled out for oppression and extermination? No, they are not. There is no evidence that Afrikaner farmers are disproportionately affected by violent crime. In fact, the black African community is most adversely affected by the incidence of crime.
Indeed, the African National Congress (ANC) banked on a singular strategy in 1994 which they hoped would correct the injustices of apartheid – the creation of a black capitalist entrepreneurial class. That is certainly one strategy, adopted by numerous governments around the world in the immediate aftermath of the Eastern bloc’s dissolution. However, creating a new capitalist class proved inadequate in confronting and rectifying the deep seated economic inequities of the apartheid era in South Africa.
Multiple white South African commentators have rubbished the Trump administration’s claims of white Afrikaner genocide. Elon Musk, himself a scion of privilege, no doubt spread the ‘white genocide’ claim in his social media posts, resentful about the demise of formal apartheid.
Indeed, the Trump administration has vociferously rejected refugees from nonwhite nations – Haitians, Somalis, Afghans, Salvadorans – are having their applications for sanctuary strongly rejected, and immigrants in the US being rounded up and deported. The 59 Afrikaners who arrived by a government-provided airplane are the recipients of generosity because they are white.
Trump is sending an unmistakable message to the world; his solidarity extends only to those who are white. Sanctuary is reserved for white racial brethren.
If the MAGA cult was so concerned about stopping a genocide, then they could certainly take decisive action towards that goal. What am I talking about? Trump could immediately cease all armaments sales and military contracts with the Israeli military. The latter is conducting a genocidal war against the Palestinians of Gaza.
Civilians are being deliberately targeted by Israeli soldiers, hospitals and schools are being bombed, and food aid is being purposely withheld. Famine looms as a real possibility in Gaza, with all the humanitarian consequences that this catastrophe raises.
If anyone requires advice about how to survive the white genocide in South Africa, look no further than an article by Ryan Cooper, a white South African who grew up in a remote black homeland, a Bantustan, set up by the apartheid regime in the 1960s. Such homelands were created by the apartheid authorities along tribal lines, enforcing the relocation and tribal segregation of the black population.
The Bantustans were dignified with the title homeland, but in reality were reservations to which the black African populations were confined.
Cooper explained his tactics for surviving in Bophuthataswana. an isolated Bantustan in the north of South Africa. Living with a black host family, as the only white person for miles, he adopted the following cunning strategy for survival, live and mix freely among black Africans, make friendly with them, and catch public transport with them.
This elaborate and deceptively crafty approach to living enabled Cooper to survive the relentlessly hostile terrain of black South Africa. Hiding in plain sight, he was able to avoid the worst excesses of his black African friends, neighbours, colleague and counterparts. There is a lesson in that for all of us.

