Stuart Seldowitz, an Islamophobic bigot, is not first US official to express Nazi-adjacent sentiments

Stuart Seldowitz, a former US State Department official in the Israel and Palestinian office section from 1999 to 2003, has become a viral Internet celebrity of sorts. He was fired from his consulting job after being recorded hurling racist insults, engaging in an Islamophobic tirade at a halal food stall vendor. Belligerent and obnoxious, he sneered at the unnamed vendor ‘Did you rape your daughter like Mohammed did?’ Seldowitz was an Obama administration national security council official as well.

In another shared video, referring to the ongoing Israeli assault on Gaza, stating “if we killed 4000 Palestinian kids? It wasn’t enough.” It is shocking enough when a purportedly educated man, a senior government official, expresses that kind of hateful sentiments. However, his bigotry is neither isolated nor aberrant in the foreign policy circles of the Washington beltway. His vitriolic sentiments, while extreme, demonstrate the ideological continuity that marks the bipartisan consensus underlining the extremism of US foreign policies.

Seldowitz is not the first former US government employee to engage in racist tirades. In many ways, he reminds me of convicted Watergate felon and rabid extremist G Gordon Liddy (1930 – 2021). The latter, a former FBI agent and lawyer, gained notoriety for his role in the Watergate scandal. His conviction for burglary, conspiracy and wiretapping did not prevent his career resurgence as a political commentator and sought-after speaker.

His sentence commuted by the Carter administration – from twenty to eight years – he applied and was granted parole in 1977. So what is the point of all this, you ask? Liddy went on to write books, give speeches and broadcast his right wing extremism over the airwaves for the next two decades. In his autobiography, Will, published in 1980, Liddy wrote of his childhood admiration of Hitler and the Waffen SS.

Claiming that the attempted French reconquest of Indochina was going well in the early stages of the post-World War 2 order, its effectiveness attributable to the participation of veterans from the Waffen SS. The French colonial war was hobbled, Liddy felt, by the withdrawal of Waffen SS soldiers after the public outcry at their presence.

He stated that as a child, he felt energised when listening to Hitler’s speeches. He confessed that whenever he stood for the pledge of allegiance in school, he had to suppress the urge to snap out his right arm in emulation of the Hitler salute. This could be explained away by boyish enthusiasm, except that Liddy held on to racist and extremist views well into adulthood.

Regarding the Vietnam war, Liddy expressed the view that if he were in charge, he would have drowned half the nation, and starved the other half. His views, adapting to the times, became no less extremist. Denouncing Obama as a communist, and environmentalism as a form of pagan Al Qaeda-type fanaticism, he never let up in his war of words against opponents he perceived as too left leaning. He was a Donald Trump before Trump.

Ever the unapologetic criminal and Nixon loyalist, Liddy suggested that the European Muslim population could be decimated by applying Riddex, a type of infestation control. He was quite gung-ho about taking out the Muslim community, at least over the airwaves.

Ultranationalist and far right forces are used not only domestically, but also in foreign policy, by the Washington political establishment. Liddy’s expression of admiration for the Waffen SS, while shocking to us, was not that out of place in Cold War Washington. It was not that long ago when Washington was singing the praises of veterans from the SS.

In 1958, Time magazine’s front cover featured a grey-haired, avuncular scientist, with a rocket launching into space in the background. That man was Wernher von Braun, Nazi German scientist, rocket engineer and space enthusiast. He was also a former member of the Waffen SS. Familiar to American audiences as the rocket man, hosting a Disney special on space travel in 1955, his transfer of loyalty from Nazi Germany to the United States was uninhibited by official scrutiny, to say the least.

His ideas and vision, while forming the basis for the Apollo missions to the Moon for the United States, originate from a criminal undertaking. Building rockets for the German military in Europe, thousands of slave labourers died in concentration camps making what became the V-2 missiles. The gregarious, suave rocket expert of NASA had come a long way, and found friendly benefactors in the US military industrial complex.

It is only in recent times that historians are grappling with the consequences of a space programme that largely owes its success to a former Nazi. Employing former ultranationalist personnel in the service of American imperial interests is longstanding US policy. Ukrainian and Baltic Nazi collaborators found gainful employment in the service of US intelligence institutions after the war.

Seldowitz’ hateful statements are the direct product of a political climate conducive to Islamophobia and anti-Arab racism. Right wing foot soldiers are adept at using multicultural sympathies to attract domestic support for their causes, but recycle the officially sanctioned and axiomatic bigotry of the US foreign policy establishment. Antiracism is not just a nice idea, but a practical basis on which to fight the ugly virus of racism in our society.

Murdoch’s retirement, the toxic empire he built, and the tabloidisation of the media

The retirement of media magnate Rupert Murdoch has prompted an outpouring of fawning commentary about the man and his media empire. Speculation about which of his children would inherit his multibillion dollar media behemoth, and the conflicts between siblings that would ensue, is rife. What the corporate media are ignoring however, is the sinister and ruthless heart of the media colossus Murdoch constructed.

Murdoch destroyed many lives to get where he is. I have written previously on the Murdochisation of the media, turning journalism into tabloid gossip, which obsessive celebrity culture, free-market zealotry, and pro-war jingoistic propaganda. The media he acquired forms, in the words of John Pilger, a cultural Chernobyl.

It is not only the poisonous role his media organisations have played, and the political influence they wield, which is buried by the congratulatory coverage of Murdoch’s retirement. The methods he used to build a media business model involved smashing working class organisations and families, and left a trail of broken communities. The staggering financial profits of News Corp, however admirable it may be to fans of corporate profit, is built on the bodies of the people struck down by the Wapping conflict.

What is Wapping? A bitter and vicious industrial dispute in 1986, the Wapping issue signalled the ascent of Murdoch, and the irreversible change of the corporatised media into tabloid journalism. Murdoch, already a wealthy man owning a string of high-circulation newspapers, wanted to increase his control of media outlets in Britain. He bought News of the World in 1968, the Sun in 1969, and the Times and other papers in 1981. Already a global media baron, he took it upon himself not just to buy another paper, but to undermine worker solidarity in the print media industry.

A bit of background here is necessary. In 1984-85, the miners strike swept British politics. Divisions were crisscrossing the nation. Murdoch’s newspapers published hate-filled rhetoric about the miners, denouncing them as traitors and hooligans. The print workers, who controlled the linotype typesetting technology used to print the news, refused to print the vicious and scurrilous vitriol of the Murdoch press.

The print workers, showing solidarity with the miners, raised the ire of Murdoch. The latter portrayed the print unions as luddites, wedded to an obsolete technology. To be sure, typesetting was an ancient technology by the 1980s. The print workers, 6000 of them, had spent their working lives with the old typesetting methods. Technology always changes, and we all have to adapt, to be sure.

In the days before computerisation and the internet, people read their news in newspapers. Today, we consume news online and newspaper circulation has declined.

So while the old printing presses had to be changed, and technological innovation implemented, Murdoch’s false portrayal of print workers as technologically resistant diehard Bolsheviks served to disguise his intention to smash working class communities. Taking advantage of the Thatcher government’s anti-union laws, Murdoch went through the motions of negotiations with the printing union. In the meantime, he built his non-union computerised newspaper plant at Wapping, dubbed by journalists as a fortress.

Picket lines were formed, and the dispute escalated. Murdoch chose, not to transition his workforce into new jobs or training, but to smash Fleet Street’s powerful unions. The print workers, 6000 of them, were sacked, and the protesters were isolated. Murdoch and his Tory allies, confronted by a pusillanimous Labour bureaucracy, crushed the print workers, their survival be damned.

Police were deployed to break the bones of the picketers, and break the strike. That victory launched Murdoch as a powerful media mogul not to be trifled with, willing to deploy the resources of the state against his working class opponents.

The former print workers, their jobs lost, went on to succumb to depression, marriage breakdowns, suicide, anxiety and all the ills associated with deindustrialisation.

I am of the computerised, IT generation, and it is incumbent upon people like me to never forget the bitterly divisive origins of today’s IT-driven journalism. The News Corp effect, promoting the neoliberal capitalist ideology of a pure free-market, infects the stories and culture of the Murdoch megalith. The nature of journalism changed, with the promotion of warmongering jingoism, the veneration of wealth acquisition, and the demonisation of the unemployed.

The phone-hacking scandal, with which we are all familiar, is only one part of the Murdoch media’s operating procedures. The victims of the phone-hacking intrusion includes the royals, Hollywood celebrities and wealthy personages; people who have the wealth and connections to fight back. News International employees deployed police bribery, the hiring of private detectives, and improper influence in the pursuit of stories.

Murdoch’s improper influence extends well beyond mobile phones and text messages. The concentration of media ownership in fewer hands, increasing the monopolised character of the corporate media, is the scandal about which no-one is talking. Australia has one of the world’s most heavily monopolised corporate media in the world, and Murdoch’s news outlets predominate the market in every capital city, and most regional areas. It is no exaggeration to describe the Australian media landscape as a Murdochcracy.

Is not media monopolisation, and the strict control of news and information, something for which we repeatedly criticised the Communist nations? In fact, with the relentless pursuit of private profit as its stated goal, News Corp and the Murdoch media machine has operated at a loss for decades. Of course, there are periods of profitability. But by its own standards of dedication to efficiency, News Corp entities post huge financial losses nearly every year. In February this year, News Corp announced another round of job cuts in the face of declining revenues.

Murdoch has spent his media career posturing as ‘anti-elite’ and fighting for the average punter. The punters out there, we are told, need a voice like Murdoch to stand up to the elites, you know, Greenies, climate scientists, welfare recipients, single mothers, indigenous people, refugees, workers – in other words the majority of the population. Murdoch’s background reveals the perverse falsity of this claim to represent the ‘ordinary punters’.

As Walter Marsh wrote, while Murdoch thanked the truck drivers, cleaners and camera operators in his resignation speech, he omitted the thousands of printers, typesetters, typists and journalists who were crushed by his steamrolling megalith to make way for the brave new world.

Hailing from a wealthy family, Murdoch went to Geelong Grammar school, and then off to Oxford. He made his first million while he was young – his father died and passed on the family business. However, the real injustice resides in what Pilger calls the media junta. The corporate media, monopolised by a few powerful corporations, have become Roman-like aristocrats of old, only these days the currency of this empire is news information.

Questioning the structure of the media compels us to ask ourselves what kind of society we want to live in.